Oaxaca: Death Threat against Radio Reporter Tlaxiaco

January 16, 2017

radio.jpgPress protest. Photo@Article 19

On January 10, just as she was about to go on the air with her program Despierta Tlaxiaco, broadcast through community radio La Perla de la Mixteca, journalist Soraya Abigail Arias Cruz, received a death threat by phone. She received the call “After questioning the action of the 2014-2016 administration of the city of Tlaxiaco, headed by the PRD Alejandro Aparicio, now local deputy.” It is not the first time that she has received a call threatening death, as on other occasions she has received text messages, where she was told not to continue to comment on what is happening in Tlaxiaco or the municipal administrations. “I will go to human rights [groups] and then to the Public Ministry of Tlaxiaco, to investigate the phone number they spoke from. I am a single mother, I dedicate myself to this, I like it, I won’t accept being intimidated,” she said.

An an Urgent Action, the organization Article 19 recalled that “Oaxaca ranks as one of the most violent [states] to do journalism” and called on the state and municipal authorities and the Attorney General of the State of Oaxaca to begin “A diligent and exhaustive investigation” regarding the threats received by Arias Cruz, in order to identify those responsible and lead them before the judicial authorities.

For more information in Spanish:

Amenazan de muerte a locutora de radio en Tlaxiaco; Artículo 19 exige investgación (EDUCA, 12 de enero de 2017)

Amenazan de muerte a locutora en Oaxaca (Article 19, 11 de enero de 2017)

For more information from SIPAZ:

Oaxaca: Nuevas agresiones a periodistas (29 de agosto de 2014)

Oaxaca: nuevo asesinato de periodista (14 de agosto de 2014)

Oaxaca: Estado del país con mayor número de agresiones a mujeres defensoras de los derechos humanos y periodistas (29 de mayo de 2014)

Oaxaca: Uno de los estados más violentos y peligrosos del país para el ejercicio del periodismo (09 de mayo de 2014)

 

 


Oaxaca: Political Violence in the Mixes Leads to the Forced Displacement of a Thousand People

January 16, 2017

mixesAnnouncement at San Pedro Ocotepec. Photo@Codigo DH Facebook

Violence due to a post-electoral and agrarian conflict in the municipal agency of Guadalupe Victoria, part of the municipality of San Juan Juquila, Mixes, “forced the forced displacement of about one thousand people; at least 800 of them took refuge in the municipality of San Pedro Ocotepec”, the municipal authority of the town reported. Meanwhile,”about 200 people arrived at the municipal seat of San Juan Juquila.”

On January 7, a confrontation in the town of Guadalupe Victoria “left a balance of a minor of 15 years dead and more than five with gunshot wounds, due to disagreement over the results of the municipal elections.” It is worth mentioning that San Pedro Ocotepec “has an agrarian conflict with Guadalupe Victoria”. Ten people were held in the municipal jail of San Juan Juquila Mixes and “the municipal authority has refused to hand them over to the prosecutor,” so officials from the General Secretariat of Government went to the community. On January 9, the funeral of the child killed during the confrontation took place during which, using banners, the inhabitants asked for a solution to the agrarian-political conflict.

For more information in Spanish:

Violencia política en los Mixes arroja mil desplazados (EDUCA, 10 de enero de 2017)

Mantienen retenidos a 10 pobladores tras enfrentamiento en los Mixes (NVI Noticias, 10 de enero de 2017)

Conflicto agrario provoca exodo de mil personas en Oaxaca (El Universal, 9 de enero de 2017)

Pronunciamiento de San Pedro Ocotepec. (Facebook de Codigo DH, 9 de enero de 2017)


National: Protests against “Gasolinazo”

January 16, 2017

Gas.jpgInfographic@TeleSur

On January 1, the price of gasoline and diesel increased by 20% in Mexico [“Gasolinazo”]. This increase was accompanied by an increase in other goods and services, significantly affecting the standard of living of Mexicans. It detonated mobilizations and actions in at least 25 states of the Mexican Republic, leaving, to date, a balance of three deaths and 600 arrested. The “most numerous” protests took place in Jalisco, Puebla, Chiapas, Sinaloa, Nuevo Leon, Hidalgo, Aguascalientes, Zacatecas, Colima, Chihuahua and the state of Mexico.

The president of Mexico, Enrique Peña Nieto, has defended this increase, arguing that, “it was a necessary measure for the stability of the economy of the country”. He said that this measure “comes from outside” due to the international increase in oil prices. He stated that if the price had not increased, it would have meant an expenditure of more than 200,000 million pesos (9,328 million dollars) equivalent to suspending all Social Security activities for four months or interrupting the Prospera program for two years, or canceling Popular Insurance for three Years.

This increase in fuel prices is the highest that has occurred in Mexico in almost two decades. Since the announcement of this rise, social organizations, transport associations and transport unions have called for blockades on motorways, roads, toll roads, among other forms of protest.

 For more information in Spanish:

Astillero (La Jornada, 9 de enero de 2017)

Mega-gasolinazo desata protestas en al menos 25 estados de México (EDUCA, 9 de enero de 2016)

El enojo acumulado salió a la calle (Proceso, 7 de enero de 2017)

El gasolinazo en México (TeleSur, 6 de enero de 2017)

 For more information fromSIPAZ:

Nacional : cuarto informe del gobierno de Peña Nieto (12 de septiembre de 2016)

 


National: Poor results ten years into war against organized crime; Army will remain on the streets, EPN

December 28, 2016

10yearsProtest in Mexico City ten years after the start of the war on organized crime(@La Jornada)

This December 11 marked a decade of the beginning of the war against crime launched by former President Felipe Calderon Hinojosa (2006-2012). Ten years later, the toll of violence is alarming: 186,000 dead, more than 28,000 missing, tens of thousands of people displaced according to official figures, a balance comparable to that of Central American armed conflicts in the 1980s. Over the term, according to the media, over one trillion pesos has been spent without reducing insecurity and harassment of civilians with a significant increase in human rights violations. In addition, domestic drug use has increased and, although some capos have been arrested, nine organized crime cartels and 37 criminal cells continue to operate.

Civil organizations have ruled that, “the tightening of security measures has not nor will reduce violence in the country. Today we live in a much more insecure country, with weaker institutions and a criminal justice system that does not work properly.” One of the most contested players in the anti-crime strategy has been the Army, which, outside its constitutional mandate, has been deployed to carry out security tasks. From December 1, 2006 to the end of last October, the National Human Rights Commission (CNDH) issued a total of 158 recommendations to the armed forces, of which 121 were addressed to the Secretariat of National Defense (Sedena) and the remaining 37 to the Secretariat of the Navy. Most of these recommendations were issued for violations, such as searches and arbitrary detentions; excessive, disproportionate and arbitrary use of force; injuries, and also for deprivation of life or arbitrary executions; forced disappearances, torture and cruel and inhuman treatment, as well as unduly imputing events to detainees.

In a press conference, Secretary of National Defense, Major General Salvador Cienfuegos Zepeda, was direct: “The military do not study to chase criminals.” And in the absence of a legal framework “our soldiers are already thinking if it’s worth it for them to continue to confront these (criminal) groups, with the risk of being prosecuted for a crime related to human rights or maybe its better for them if we prosecute them for disobedience, which is cheaper for them.” He said: “We are asking for regularization of the actions of the Armed Forces,” (that it should be defined) “what Mexicans want the Armed Forces to do. If they want us to be in the barracks, go ahead. I would be the first to raise not one, but the two hands so that we go to do our constitutional tasks … (…) We do not ask to be here … we do not feel at ease, those of us here with you do not study to chase criminals … We are performing functions that do not correspond to us, all because there is no one who should perform them or they are not trained.” He also said: “there is a lack commitment of the part of many sectors for this to work. It is not an issue that is going to be resolved by bullets, it requires other components that have not had the necessary major efforts and budgets to address these situations.”

In this context, the business leadership demanded that the Mexican Army not return to the barracks until state governments have the capacity to deal with organized crime, for which it urged the legislature to pass laws that give greater legal certainty to the armed forces.

At the end of the National Encounter for Procurement and Delivery of Justice 2016, President Enrique Peña Nieto acknowledged that the goal had not been achieved and stated that soldiers will continue in the streets “until we achieve the aim of this subject still pending, not only now, but for several decades, to have a country in conditions of greater peace and tranquility.”

Mario Patron, director of the Agustin Pro HR Center, has questioned that “instead of taking seriously the design of a program for the gradual withdrawal of the Armed Forces from the security tasks – as proposed by international mechanisms in this area – it revives the idea of creating an ad hoc legal framework for the Army and Navy, normalizing the state of emergency under the concept of internal security.” For the same reason, dozens of civil organizations, academics and researchers asked the Chamber of Deputies – who were debating this issue these days – “not to hastily approve” military permanence in public security tasks and the suspension of guarantees for the population.

For more information in Spanish:

El tamaño del fracaso: 186 mil muertos en una década de guerra en México, según datos oficiales (Sin Embargo, 5 de diciembre de 2016)

Diez años de guerra contra las drogas: Civiles se organizan para responder al fracaso del Estado (Sin Embargo, 7 de diciembre de 2016)

Militares no estudiamos para perseguir delincuentes: Cienfuegos (Aristegui Noticias, 8 de diciembre de 2016)

Reprocha Cienfuegos falta de apoyo de Segob; “no estamos a gusto persiguiendo delincuentes”, dice (Proceso, 8 de diciembre de 2016)

Exige Cienfuegos regularizar función de las fuerzas armadas (La Jornada, 9 de diciembre de 2016)

Pide CCE aprobar leyes que den certeza jurídica a fuerzas armadas (La Jornada, 9 de diciembre de 2016)

El baño de sangre en 10 años deja más consumidores de drogas, más cárteles y más líderes criminales (Sin Embargo, 9 de diciembre de 2016)

El Ejército seguirá en las calles: Peña Nieto (El Heraldo de Chiapas, 10 de diciembre de 2016)

Activistas protestan ante “guerra contra el narco” (La Jornada, 11 de diciembre de 2016)

Violencia, dudas y la sombra de la corrupción marcan los 10 años de la guerra contra el narco (Animal Político, 11 de diciembre de 2016)

Con Felipe Calderón, se generó un tsunami de sangre que no teníamos: especialista (Revolucion 3.0, 12 de diciembre de 2016)

Sedena, la que más recomendaciones ha recibido de la CNDH en 10 años (La Jornada, 12 de diciembre de 2016)

Seguridad pública, función de civiles, dice CNDH (La Jornada, 12 de diciembre de 2016)

Especial 10 años de la guerra contra el narco (Vice News, diciembre de 2016)

 For more information from SIPAZ :

Nacional: La CNDH presentó su informe sobre recomendaciones por violaciones a derechos humanos (28 de septiembre de 2016)

Nacional: “Violencia del narco” ha desplazado a 281 mil personas (22 de julio de 2016)

 

 

 

 


Chiapas: Frayba Presents its Annual Report “Paths of Resistance”

December 28, 2016

Frayba.png

On December 19, the Fray Bartolome de las Casas Center for Human Rights (CDHFBC) presented its “Annual Report: Paths of Resistance”, in an event attended by Marina Pages, coordinator of the International Service for Peace (SIPAZ); Ana Valadez Ortega, member of the Center for Studies for Change in the Mexican Field (CECCAM); Rafael Landerreche Morin, member of the Pastoral Team of Chenalho; Marcelo Perez Perez, parish priest of Simojovel and coordinator of the Social Pastoral of the Chiapas Province, as well as Pedro Faro Navarro, director of CDHFBC.

 The objective of the book is to “make visible the men and women, people and communities organized in the construction of dreams and hopes that crack the system, generate life and dignity, ways of resistance to this cruel and bloodthirsty reality that we live in Mexico.”

It has five chapters: “Detention and Megaprojects, Impacts on Human Rights”, “Forced Displacement in a War Context”, “From Discredit to Repression” (focused on human rights defenders), “From Internal Armed Conflict to Widespread Violence”, and “In the Midst of the Whistling of the Mountains, the Call to Truth and Justice ” (on historical memory and the “Other Justice “).

For more information in Spanish:

Informe completo “Los caminos de la Resistencia” (CDHFBC, diciembre de 2016)

Lucha de EZLN por DH de indígenas, blanco de ataques: Frayba (La Jornada, 20 de diciembre de 2016)

« Andamos los caminos de la resistencia » (Boletín de prensa, CDHFBC, 19 de diciembre de 2016)

Persisten violaciones a derechos a 19 años de masacre de Acteal: Frayba (Proceso, 19 de diciembre de 2016)

Los caminos de la resistencia: Informe Frayba 2016 (Audios, Radio Zapatista, 19 de diciembre de 2016)

Documenta Frayba, despojos, megaproyectos y ataques contra defensores de DH; en Chiapas, “ocasionadas por el Estado mexicano” (Revolucion 3.0, 20 de diciembre de 2016)

 For more information from SIPAZ :

Nacional : presentación del informe “Defender los derechos humanos en México, la normalización de la represión política” (31 de agosto de 2016)


Oaxaca/National: NGOs Document Arbitrary Detentions of Defenders – Relatives Demand their Release

December 28, 2016

Defenders.pngPedro Canche Herrera, Nestora Salgado and Enrique Guerrero Aviña (Photo@: Consorciooaxaca)

On December 14, 2016, the report Arbitrary and Illegal Detentions – Criminalization: a State Policy to Inhibit the Defense of Human Rights in Mexico, jointly prepared by 11 Mexican and international civil society organizations, was launched in Oaxaca. This report analyzes the case of five human rights defenders who were “illegally arrested without warrant and imprisoned for crimes they committed only for their legitimate activities in defense of human rights”: Damian Gallardo Martinez, Enrique Guerrero Aviña, Librado Baños Rodriguez, Pedro Canche Herrera and Nestora Salgado – the last two of whom have already been released.

The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detentions, having studied these cases, confirmed that they were arbitrary detentions and that they were carried out “without warrant or charges against them [those involved in the said cases]“. The WG underlined the numerous irregularities presented by criminal proceedings. In its opinion, the detention of Librado Baños corresponds to “acts of retaliation and reprisal for his active defense of the rights of the indigenous and Afro-descendant population of the region.” It should be noted that the Working Group stated that it requested information from the Mexican Government regarding those cases, which was not provided in the legal period for that purpose.

The 11 organizations and relatives of the victims say that the arrests, acts of torture and other human rights violations they have been subjected to illustrate “a much broader pattern of criminalization of social protest in Mexico that seeks to inhibit the defense of human rights and social protest, turning them into illegal and criminal activities. In addition to this the fact that, far from affecting the eradication of this practice, the Mexican state continues to detain and intimidate defenders in the country.”

The authors of the report emphasize that “the responsibility for these violations of human rights is shared between the plurality of players directly or indirectly involved in the process of criminalization and arbitrary detention of defenders: the Mexican State may be involved at different levels, federal and state, as well as the police, the army, the same government authorities, the judiciary through justice operators, sharing responsibility with private players such as private companies and landowners.”

During the presentation of the report, the organizations and families demanded: “the immediate release of Damian Gallardo, Enrique Guerrero and Librado Baños as well as the cessation of criminalization and full reparation to the five human rights defenders for the numerous human rights violations to which they have been subjected.”

The report clarifies that “the five cases of arbitrary detention presented show the serious human rights crisis in Mexico. These five cases are emblematic and represent only a small part of the arbitrary detentions that occur with impunity in the country.”

 For more information in Spanish:

Inéditas, 5 detenciones arbitrarias de defensores de DDHH reconocidas por la ONU (Aristegui Noticias, 14 de diciembre de 2016)

ONGs documentan detenciones arbitrarias de defensoras y defensores, familiares exigen su libertad (Educa, 15 de diciembre 2016)

Informe : detenciones arbitraria e ilegal (Consorcio Oaxaca, diciembre 2016)

 For more information from SIPAZ:


Guerrero/Nacional: Nestora Salgado lanza campaña para exigir la libertad de los presos políticos del país (4 de abril 2016)


National: Legislative Year Ends with Controversial Agenda in Congress

December 27, 2016

Congress.jpgCongress of the Union (@ADN Político)

The closing of the legislative year was marked by a particularly sensitive agenda on human rights in the Congress of the Union. In short, the reforms to the General Law of Victims were approved. On the other hand, although they were approved by the Justice and Human Rights Commission, the laws on trafficking, torture, and the regulatory law of Article 29 of the Constitution, which regulates the declaration of a State of emergency in cases of invasion, serious disturbance of the public peace or another phenomenon that puts society in serious danger or conflict.

All of these issues have been sources of great controversy over their contents and possible impacts. The reform of the general law to prevent, investigate and punish torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment has been questioned by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights for its “regressive” modifications. In particular, a modification that would prevent an official accused of torture from being removed from office was criticized.

The initiative that generated the biggest stir was the possible approval of a judgement for a statutory law of Article 29 of the constitution. The debate became even more intense after statements by the Secretary of National Defense, Salvador Cienfuegos, who urged that a legal framework be defined for the actions of the military in the fight against organized crime. The All Rights for All Network demanded a public discussion on this project. It said: “The legislative initiatives that have been proposed with the aim of normalizing the presence and military intervention in the country are of concern. They seek to normalize what in any democracy would be an exception: the involvement of the army in public security tasks – from patrol, to arrests, to crime investigation. Providing the Armed Forces with a legal framework is undoubtedly important. The Armed Forces have done a job that the civil authorities have not been able to or wanted to do, tasks that constitutionally do not correspond to them and they are not trained to perform. This has put its members in a situation of legal vulnerability. However, such a legal framework cannot simply – as in the legislative proposals for Internal Security proposed by Roberto Gil Zuarth (PAN) and by Cesar Camacho (PRI) – normalize and make permanent what today happens unconstitutionally. Neither should they advocate suspending individual guarantees so that the army can carry out the task that corresponds to civil authority without controls and without transparency.”

 For more information in Spanish:

Golpe de Estado silencioso (Proceso, 3 de diciembre de 2016)

Debatir el modelo de seguridad, SIDIDH, 5 de diciembre de 2016

Sociedad civil exige a Diputados no militarizar al país ni legislar sin discusión la suspensión de garantías (Red Todos los Derechos para Todos, 11 de diciembre de 2016)

ONG instan a no apresurar ley sobre militares (La Jornada, 11 de septiembre)

ONG piden al Congreso frenar iniciativas que normalicen presencia militar para seguridad pública (Animal Político, 11 de diciembre de 2016)

Una Ley de Tortura sin contradicciones y que respete ddhh (Animal Político, 12 de diciembre de 2012)

A marchas forzadas, aprueban Ley contra Tortura y de Trata de Personas (Quadratín, 13 de diciembre de 2016)
Cuestiona la ONU cambios a legislación (El Economista, 14 de diciembre de 2016)

Aprueban diputados reforma a Ley General de Víctimas (Aristegui Noticias, 14 de diciembre de 2016)

PRI cierra las puertas a expertos internacionales al aprobarse Ley de Víctimas (Proceso, 14 de diciembre de 2016)

Retira PRI dictamen de reforma a ley de trata y tortura (La Jornada, 14 de diciembre de 2016)

Urgen en Sedena a aprobar la Ley de Seguridad Interior (Proceso, 14 de diciembre de 2016)

Las dos iniciativas de ley de seguridad interior (Aristegui Noticias, 14 de diciembre de 2016)

For more information from SIPAZ :

Nacional : Pobres resultados diez años después de iniciar la guerra contra el crimen organizado ; El Ejército seguirá en las calles, EPN (16 de diciembre de 2016)

Nacional: Organizaciones sociales se pronuncian sobre ley de tortura (31 de mayo de 2016)

Nacional: Gobierno rechazó visita del relator para la tortura de la ONU (31 de marzo de 2016)

Nacional: Dudas de organismos de la sociedad civil por la iniciativa de Ley contra la Tortura (9 de febrero de 2016)

México: Publicación de la Ley General de Atención a Víctimas (10 de enero de 2013)